Last week, I had the honour of visiting Dr. Amos Akingba, a chieftain of Afenifere and National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), in his Ode-Irele, Ondo Statecountry home. Akingba, who turned 85 last March, relocated to his hometown about two years ago.
Since home is for rest, the elderstatesmanis back home to savour the serenity of his ancestral birthplace, but this time,the octogenarianis retiring to a community that has been without electricity since 2014. Ode-Irele isheadquarters to one of the four Local Governments– Irele,Okitipupa,Ese-Odo and Ilaje -that have been subjected to‘uninterrupted darkness’ for close to two decades. Yet, these communities turn out massively to voteat every election cycle!So, where arethe JimohIbrahims, the AgboolaAjayis and the YeleOmogunwasof Ikalelandand what have they been telling their friends out there? Anyway, this is a topic for another day; and it won’t be long!
Back to the meat of the matter, Akingba was among the few Nigerians who risked their lives for the survival of dear fatherland during the sad phase of Nigeria’s politicaladvancement. AdekunleAjasin, Anthony Enahoro, Alfred Rewane, Adeyinka Adebayo, Bola Ige, AlaniAkinriande,EbituUkiwe, Cornelius Adebayo,LawalDambazzau, BolajiAkinyemi,KayodeFayemi, LabaranMaku and Wale Oshun! Abraham Adesanya, Reuben Fasoranti, Ayo Adebanjo, OluFalae, NdubuisiKanu,SegunOsoba, Dan Suleiman, Ralph Obioha, Bola Tinubu, YohannaMadaki, Dele Momodu, Jonah Jang, Lloyd Ukwu,Akingba and many others!While some of the NADECO and other members of the pro-June 12 forces were driven into exile, others managed to remain in Nigeria to give the SaniAbacha-led juntaa run for its money. It was arisky and deadly struggle but it eventually paid off. On June 8, 1998, Abacha diedat Aso Rock Villa and, on May 29, 1999, democracy found its way back to Nigeria.
The 4th Republic is now 24 years old; and a time like this callsfor agood review, especially, by one of the men in the eye of the storm.
On NADECO, Akingbasaid that the Coalitionis either dead or asleep.According to him, “most of the people who were there before are no longer there – by words, deeds and actions. We were very close; maybe, still close, to be able to know one another. We knew those who were hungry and came to NADECO only to eat. We knew those who joined because of their love for dear fatherland. As it was in the church, so it was in NADECO: it comprised all kinds of characters. There were experiences of betrayal. There were members who were operating under the influence of Abacha. There was even a timeAbacha sent assassins after us and weescaped only by the whiskers. In the end, the truth prevailed. When those of us who were driven into exile came back to Nigeria, there was no continuation. Evidently, many of our leaders had different motives.”
Hear Akingba on President Tinubu: “For me, Tinubu is better than most of the contestants. But he is just one individual, whereas leading Nigeria is a collective effort. Before he takes a decision, he has those he consults. He must have even researched it, because he doesn’t own Nigeria. It therefore depends on who our president is listening to and who is at the helm of his affairs because he cannot take a decision by himself. Tinubu can listen to history, that is, historical events a la where he is coming from. He can also listen to current affairs and his appointees, not only his ministers but also security operatives. However, our problem as a country is structural. Nigeria cannot be run successfully as a unitary country. We have run it and we have failed woefully. Former PresidentsOlusegunObasanjo, UmaruYar’Adua and others have been there but it’s not their fault that they weren’t successful. It’s because Nigeria has been running a unitary constitution.”
He continued:“Nigeria has gone backward. Of course, when a country is going backward, all its citizens will partake of whatever becomes its lot. We no longer have a functional Police Force. The current system whereby all the state commands report to the Inspector General of Police cannot work. There will be corruption; and there’s corruption. Our institutions are not working. Our education system has failed. These days, a graduate cannot write correct letters. School certificate holders, who used to be the backbone of the civil workforce in the past, areeven worse. In our very eyes, religion is now big business. Industries are gone. The roads that were constructed when Local Governments were worth their mission can no longer be maintained, even with more money and more people.Obviously, the Western world cannot be exonerated from Nigeria’s challenges. That’s why the president must be careful to do the right thing or not to do the right thing.”
As a way out of the country’s predicament, Akingba canvassed a return to the 1963 constitution. He warned against racial injustice and domination if Nigeria is not to self-destruct. In his words, “the same gun that is used for gaming can also be used to kill a human being. So, the world must go towards self-management, that is, democracy. Our leaders, once theyget into office, the office gets into their heads, thereby forgetting where they are coming from. We have seen friends who assumed office and became elusive. Now that they have left power, it’s difficult for them to access the base ladder which they once despised.”
Akingbatold a story of how, not once, not twice, he wentto his polling unit at Opebi in Lagos to voteonly to be told that somebody had already voted on his behalf; and theman in the former university lecturer and pro-democracy activistbecame ideologically detached.
That’s the vintage Amos ArogundadeAkindasaAkingba, aka‘Triple A’.
From Akingba’s account, there’s actually a puritanical angle to NADECO: the fact that we have a democracy still does not mean that we have a democracy; and Tinubu as a democrat should know that! So, we can begin to investigate the democracy that we have that allows for certain things and disallows others. Presently, what’s Nigeria as a nation state struggling with, democratically? Well, we may begin byinterrogating the workings of the intergovernmental institutions, that is, the flow of the relationship between the arms of government on the one hand and states and the intergovernmental agencies on the other.Fortunately, from Akingba’s account,individuals who served as pillars behind the movement had other personal motives and, given the outcome of the objective platform, everyone cherry-pickedthe benefits as per the personal desires. Essentially therefore, thepolitical gladiators describe the end as justifying the means. But then, in whose objective interest is the end justifying the means?
