• Calls for international support to monitor Nigeria’s political process
Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar has said that despite the end of military rule more than a decade ago and the advent of constitutional democracy, the culture of political intolerance and impunity still pervades the country.
The former Vice President, who was speaking in Switzerland as a Guest Speaker of the Geneva School of Diplomacy and International Relations on Monday, regretted that in Nigeria and other parts of Africa opposition members are treated as enemies of the state.
In his paper entitled “Deepening Democracy in Nigeria: Implications for Africa,” Atiku Abubakar said as a result of such lip service to democratic principles, “disregard for rules and regulations and the utter impunity with which they are committed,” has led to what he called “the militarization of democracy.”
According to him, many retired military chiefs, who came into power as politicians entered the democratic arena without being able to shed their military mindsets, thereby exacerbating the culture of intolerance and entrenching impunity, which characterises today’s political reality in Nigeria.
The former Vice President, however, admitted that despite these democratic challenges, the freedom of speech, of association, of the right to organise politically and the liberty to criticise the government were restored with the return of democratic rule.
Atiku also acknowledged that with the new democratic order in Nigeria, the courts in the country are more relatively independent in addition to freedom of the press that came with it.
However, the former Vice President regretted that these democratic gains are being threatened by the persistent perception of political opposition as an enemy that has to be crushed “rather than patriots who happen to disagree simply because they hold different political views.”
He noted that legitimate disagreement with attempt to extend the tenure of sitting leaders beyond their constitutional term limits had met with the harassment and humiliation of those dissented against such moves.
Atiku also lamented that members of the ruling parties that opposed lack of internal democracy or abuse of power by those occupying executive political offices were either repressed and harassed, thereby undermining the institutions of democracy.
Despite these negative features of Nigeria’s democratic order, the former Vice President said the performance of the economy, particularly in the first eight years of the democratic experiment, has provided a flipside to these unpleasant realities.
According to him, the new democratic order in Nigeria in the first eight years, has created “a stable exchange and interest rates in addition to reducing the rate of inflation, reduction of public debts and increase in foreign reserve.”
He also praised the privatisation of inefficient and wasteful state enterprises and what he called “an overall improvement in the business environment, which enhanced the potential for rewarding foreign investors.”
The former Vice President, however, told his audience in Geneva that political leaders in Nigeria were “unable to significantly translate these macro-economic gains into major micro-economic improvements, largely because of the politics of constitutional amendments and rising level of corruption which distracted our government from its economic goals.”
Atiku also painted a bleak picture of rising poverty in Nigeria with “70 percent of Nigerians living below the poverty line and maternal mortality accelerating at 840 deaths per 100,000 live births.
According to him, Nigeria ranks the 9th worst in the world in 2008 and 10th worst in 2010 in terms of maternal mortality. And with a death rate of 74 per 1,000 live births, he said, Nigeria ranks the 16th worst in world’s infant mortality.
The Turakin Adamawa said life expectancy in Nigeria is 50 years compared to 82 years in Switzerland, adding that preventable diseases such as polio and measles are still ravaging the country.
He maintained that there is no justification why an oil-rich country like Nigeria should maintain these levels of poverty, maternal and infant mortalities.
Atiku argued that the rate of Nigeria’s economic growth of 6.5 percent is far below what is required “quickly lift millions of Nigerians out of poverty once and for all.”
These experiences, he said, are also common to other African countries, adding that Nigeria’s story couldn’t be separated from the continent’s experience.
On the negative perception of Nigerians as crooks by foreigners, the former Vice President reminded his audience that Nigerians are generally hardworking and honest and that the criminal activities of a few should not be allowed to affect the country at large.
Atiku, however, admitted that poor leadership was mainly to blame for the problems he had highlighted.
He called on friends of Nigeria abroad including Switzerland to help the country in terms of foreign direct investment to reinvigorate the economy in other to revamp national infrastructure, education, health and other social services by reducing unemployment and improving the incomes of the citizens. He noted that unemployment breeds criminals, including terrorists.
On democracy, Atiku called on Western democratic nations to play more active and deeper role in helping the country with credible elections. He said Switzerland and other Western nations should go beyond economic investments by exerting political pressure on local leaders to “open up the political space.”
According to him, observers should follow up all the processes needed to produce credible elections instead of merely monitoring the casting of votes on polling days and insisting on the neutrality of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and security agents.
As Nigeria prepares for another election in 2015, the former Vice President appealed to Western leaders to demonstrate more than a passing interest in how the elections are conducted from voting stage, collation, counting and release of results eliminate the leakages that lead to fraud.
The Full Address:
Deepening Democracy In Nigeria: Implications For Africa
By Atiku Abubakar, former Vice President, Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Being Talk delivered at the Geneva School of Diplomacy and International Relations,
Geneva, Switzerland.
April 29, 2013.
Protocol
I appreciate the privilege given to me by the President of this Institute to address this assemblage of distinguished scholars and diplomats. It is a great honour to be invited to this citadel of knowledge and global reputation, a citadel known for its persistence and diligence in sharpening minds, promoting fine ideals in diplomacy and international relations and setting the agenda for the debate on democracy and development. Dr. Murphy, I thank you.
I also thank the leaders of this great institution for giving me the honour to speak to you about my country, Nigeria, and how the promise of democracy there could impact on its prospects in contemporary Africa. This comes at a very auspicious time when Nigeria is preparing for another round of democratic elections while the rest of Africa and the world anxiously watch and wait on us to get our act together and lead the continent to its long awaited destiny.
Nigeria is well known, but not known well.
Tragically, the country has been in international news a lot in recent years owing primarily to the violent insurgency in the oil rich Niger Delta and more recently, in Northern region of the country. The attention paid to these insurgencies is an indication that the rest of the world considers the affairs of Nigeria important enough to warrant such attention. And there is good reason for that view.
Some of you may not know that:
Nigeria is Africa’s most populous country, with a population of about 170 million. One in every four Africans lives in Nigeria. In a continent of 54 countries that is quite significant. Presently, Nigeria is the 7th most populous country in the world with more than 20% of the world’s black population living there. We are a diverse and young country with, 51% of the population rural and over 65% below the age of 40. We have more than 250 ethnic groups with over 500 living languages, creating a country of rich and diverse cultures. We are also home to 2 main religions, Islam and Christianity, each with a strong presence in different sections of the country and claiming roughly about equal number of followers. All these tend to accentuate regional, ethnic and religious distinctions. This diversity of age, ethnicity and religion should make us stronger.
Nigeria has the 2nd largest economy in Africa, with a GDP of 239 billion dollars in 2011. By the standards of Switzerland, which has a GDP of 659.3 billion for a population of less than 8 million, that is small change. However, Nigeria’s GDP is higher than that of the bottom 34 African countries combined. We are also the largest crude oil producer in Africa, producing 2.2 million barrels per day in 2012. And the country is a major crude supplier to Western countries, with the bulk (33% in 2011) going to the United States of America.
Nigeria is located in the Gulf of Guinea, which has become a key energy source for the major energy consumers in the world, helping to fuel economic development and lift people out of poverty. Accordingly, events in Nigeria have wider implications for this vital energy source for the world. We are also the 2nd highest destination for foreign direct investment in Africa, after South Africa, with the largest share of the investments going into the oil and gas sector.
On the international scene, we have been very active in promoting regional trade and economic cooperation, peace and good governance in Africa and elsewhere. Nigeria is the largest African contributor to peace-keeping operations within and outside the African continent. The country has also been the main driving force behind the Economic Commission of West African States (ECOWAS). This organization has been working on the economic and political integration of countries in the West African sub-region, and has contributed immensely to the maintenance of peace in the sub-region.
We have also maintained a leadership role in the African Union since its inception as the Organization of African Unity in 1963. Through a Technical Aid Corps scheme, we have been assisting other African countries in a variety of ways with their economic development and the building of peace and cooperation.
History/Context:
As many of you know, Nigeria was a British colony. When we gained political independence in 1960, there was a lot of optimism regarding economic development and the growth of democracy and freedoms. That optimism soon turned into disappointment. This was largely because the nationalist leaders who inherited political power from the departing British failed to manage particularly well the enormous challenges of a new country fashioned out of a multiplicity of nationalities, classes and faiths.
The democratic experiment ended six years later when the Nigerian military overthrew the civilian government and imposed military rule. The crisis that followed the first military intervention ultimately led to a 30-month civil war which cost close to a million Nigerian lives, most of which were on the losing secessionist side. The military returned power to civilians in 1979 but struck again four years later and imposed another round of military rule which lasted for two decades culminating in the general elections of 1999.
Now listen carefully: The long period of military rule ensured the permeation into the fabric of society of a culture of command and control, intolerance of opposition, disregard for rules and regulations and utter impunity, which characterized military rule in Nigeria. Indeed governance and politics became militarized. Thus, by the time the military was, once again, forced to hand over power to civilians, this culture of intolerance of opposition, disregard for rules and impunity had become pervasive.
To make matters worse, many of those who came into power as politician-successors to military rulers were themselves ex-military officers. This was a logical development given the length of time the military had been in power, the wealth that many of them had acquired during their tenure, and the influence the departing military leaders had exercised in selecting and empowering their successors.
Despite this military-political complex, we saw early democratic gains. Many freedoms were restored to Nigerians: freedom of speech, including speech critical of the government, freedom of assembly and freedom to organize politically. Our courts also cast aside some of the shackles of an authoritarian justice system and moved towards a more democratic judicial practice. The mass media, which remained resolute under the military, also became less constrained in their work, now less afraid of holding government to account and acting occasionally as the conscience for the society.
Unfortunately, we were not able, as a country and as a leadership, to fully purge ourselves of the former dictatorial military culture and pervasive insidious corruption that feeds it. Thus, under the civilian democratic dispensation, we continued to see the political opposition as the enemy that has to be crushed, rather than patriots, as loyal opposition, who happen to disagree with us simply because they hold political ideologies and points of view different from ours. This culture of intolerance best characterize the post-military political era, especially the period after 2003 as attempts were being made to remove tenure limits of a sitting President beyond the period allowed by the country’s constitution.
Intolerance was by no means directed only at the members of the opposition political parties. Targeted members of the ruling party were also severely punished for any perceived opposition to the sitting president or other executive power holders. The attempt to change the constitution to extend the tenure of the sitting president led to attacks by the presidency against democratic institutions including the parliament, the judiciary and even the ruling party itself. These attacks significantly undermined these institutions and their ability to execute their duties according to democratic principles.
Despite these democratic failings, there were significant gains on the economic front arising from the transition to civilian democratic rule. These include the stability of the exchange and interest rates, reduction in the rate of inflation, reduction in public debt, increases in foreign reserves, privatization of inefficient and costly state enterprises and an overall improvement in the business environment, which enhanced the potential for rewards for investors.
However, we were unable to significantly translate these macro-economic gains into major micro-economic improvements, largely because the politics of constitutional amendments and the accompanying rising level of corruption distracted our government from its economic goals. In a lurid kind of way, the two became intertwined. Desperation to cling to power led to massive corruption, the proceeds of which were freely deployed in an attempt to compromise state institutions such as the legislature, the judiciary and other critical sectors of society. That is, the attempt to amend the Nigerian Constitution to extend the tenure of the sitting president and the struggles against it became a major distraction and undermined our efforts to significantly improve the well-being of the mass of the people, especially through infrastructure provisioning, employment generation, and improvements in education, health and other social services.
So by 2010, 70% of Nigerians lived below the poverty line. With a maternal mortality rate of 840 deaths per 100,000 live births, Nigeria ranked the 9th worst in the world in 2008 and the 10th worst in 2010. We also have over 74 deaths per 1,000 live births, a figure which ranks Nigeria as the 16th worst in the world in infant mortality. Life expectancy at birth is 50 years, compared to 82 years for Switzerland. In addition, such preventable diseases as polio and measles continue to spread in the country to our utter embarrassment. For a country with huge oil revenues, this is completely unconscionable, unjustifiable and unacceptable.
The weakening of democratic institutions has led to further deterioration of governance and rule of law, worsening of corruption, and rising unemployment and insecurity. Official figures show that Nigeria’s economy is growing by about 6.5% per annum. But the rate of growth is nowhere near what is required to quickly lift millions of Nigerians out of poverty once and for all.
In a way, Nigeria’s story is Africa’s story: post-colonial Africa has been characterized by military rule and conflicts, corruption, disease, illiteracy, insecurity, famine, and insignificant contribution to world trade. Africa is currently experiencing economic growth – a welcome departure from the recent past- but that growth is not fast enough to lift enough Africans out of poverty and place the continent on the path of sustainable growth to join the ranks of developed regions of the world. This must change for Africa to change and Nigeria can and should lead this change.
Opportunities for Change
Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, these development challenges facing my country also provide opportunities for change. Nigerians are hardworking, creative and resourceful. And, in spite of the well-publicized unlawful activities of a few, we are largely an honest and law-abiding people. With a median age of 18 years, Nigeria’s population is really young and potentially among the most productive on the planet.
But our people have been failed far too many times by the poor quality of leadership that has presided over their affairs. A committed, visionary leadership, working in concert with a mobilized citizenry, and with assistance from friends of Nigeria, can change the way issues are handled and turn Nigeria around.
We need strong institutions, stable and predictable policy environment, rule of law and the enabling environment for sustainable economic growth. This will bring the country out of its self-inflicted inertia and enable it to occupy its rightful place in Africa, as the harbinger of democracy and economic growth on the continent.
How the International Community can Help Nigeria
Nigeria has enormous promise, and I acknowledge that it is Nigerians who have to develop Nigeria. It is Nigerians who have to grow Nigeria’s economy, make the necessary investments in infrastructure, education, health, and other social services, and secure lives and property.
But Nigeria needs help. Nigeria needs foreign direct investments, and it also needs political help to move along the democratic path and to protect the path of freedom and fair elections. Investments will help to provide employment, enhance people’s incomes and thereby reduce the army of unemployed youth from which criminals and terrorists recruit.
Switzerland can certainly do more to help Nigeria. The volume of Nigeria’s bilateral trade with Switzerland was $500 million as at 2012, up from 250 million in 2010. Nigeria and Switzerland need to grow that trade volume. Fifty Swiss companies operate in Nigeria, making Switzerland the 11th highest foreign investor in Nigeria. The stock of Nestle, the giant Swiss conglomerate, is about the highest priced stock at the Nigerian Stock Exchange. We need more direct investment by Swiss companies. Huge opportunities exist in infrastructure, manufacturing, oil and gas, pharmaceuticals, housing, food and beverages, and the financial services sectors. We also need more of your assistance in fighting corruption in Nigeria by, for instance, stopping money laundering by Nigerian officials and in helping to return funds already laundered. Nigerians are obviously grateful to the government and people of Switzerland for returning funds laundered in Swiss banks by the former Nigerian military ruler, Sani Abacha.
Equally as important, Nigeria can learn useful lessons from Switzerland, including the transfer of advanced skills and managerial expertise. Excellence in any endeavor helps workforces understand the value of performance and productivity. We certainly can use the precision in your watches, the delicacy in your chocolates, and the prudence of your financial institutions.
But the international assistance that Nigeria needs goes beyond the economic. Perhaps more important is political assistance. Nigeria needs help in deepening its democracy, improving governance and ensuring accountability and transparency. Switzerland and other friends of Nigeria in the international community can help to persuade and pressure the current Nigerian regime to further open up the political space. They can help the development of Nigerian democracy by helping to monitor the entire democratic process in Nigeria in general, as opposed to simply monitoring the vote on one day.
We must all appreciate that elections involve more than casting of ballots, counting of votes and collating of results. Elections include all the processes leading up to the casting of those votes and thereafter, such as the enacting of relevant legislation, party primaries, equality of access to state media, use of state resources for partisan purposes by incumbents, the independence and neutrality of security agencies and the election management agency, among other things. These processes will need to be constantly and consistently monitored in emerging democracies such as Nigeria.
Switzerland and international friends of Nigeria can deepen their assistance to Nigeria’s election management agency, the Independent National Electoral Commission, and help pressure the government to ensure that the agency is truly independent. In addition our partners can help by enhancing their support to pro-democracy civil society organizations as they engage in the difficult, and sometimes hazardous, task of helping to deepen Nigeria’s democracy and holding leaders to account.
I strongly believe that as Nigeria changes for the better, so Africa will. Given Nigeria’s population and the size of its economy, it can help lift Africa economically if it lifts itself economically. And it can become a beacon of democracy, good governance, accountability and transparency for other African countries if it can practice those at home. It would be an example for the rest of Africa, stand on firm moral grounds to diplomatically nudge other African countries down the same road of democratization.
Conversely, a collapsed Nigeria will be a threat to peace and stability in all of Africa. Nigeria’s descent into increased instability and insecurity would send a flood of refugees that would not only overwhelm Nigeria’s neighbours but also land on European shores. This bleak future can only be vanquished with the determined collaboration between Nigeria and the international friends of Nigeria who work relentlessly to sow the seeds of democracy, good governance, accountability, and transparency.
Nigeria can change, with a committed, visionary leadership that is accountable to its people, with increased investment in infrastructure, education and healthcare, with strong institutions to support democracy & protect our teeming population. And with the cooperation of friends such as Switzerland, Nigeria can fulfill its enormous promise.
I leave you today with this reminder from history, to the history yet to be written.
To paraphrase Sir Edmund Burke, all that is necessary for evil to triumph is that enough good people do nothing.
I and many like-minded Nigerians are prepared to do something about this.
Are you prepared to join us in this quest?
Once more, I sincerely thank President Murphy and this great institution for the opportunity to share these thoughts with you.
Thank you for your kind attention.
