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Introduction: (February 2025) Nigeria has abundant human and natural resources but remains mired in underdevelopment. This striking contradiction of a resource-rich nation with impoverished citizens exemplifies the phenomenon of “poverty amid plenty.” A pressing question arises: why have some nations prospered while others have failed? The answer lies in the power of unified, nationalistic, and patriotic individuals who come together to drive transformative change within their societies. This discussion document underscores the urgent reality that Nigeria’s social, economic, and political crises stem primarily from the absence of a coalition of developmentalist elites and a broad Developmentalist Coalition to guide its economy and governance since independence more than sixty years ago. For Nigeria to realize its potential and forge a prosperous shared future, it is imperative that like-minded individuals, motivated by the principles or ideology of development nationalism, come together to form a Developmentalist Coalition (DC). Such a coalition must be steadfastly focused on enhancing the nation’s productive capacity and uplifting the well-being of its citizens. Together, they can catalyze the change necessary to break the cycle of underdevelopment and achieve lasting progress.
The current state of the country is deeply troubling, marked by rampant insecurity, robbery, and kidnapping. We are witnessing a disturbing rise in ethnic militias and terrorism, compounded by the threats posed by herdsmen and persistent ethnic and religious conflicts. Alongside this turmoil are alarmingly high levels of poverty, unemployment, and inequality. The nation suffers from poor economic management and a political leadership that has failed to promote structural transformation of the economy and politics. Endemic corruption and state capture further undermine our progress, while mismanagement of public resources has become the norm. The absence of ideologically driven political parties—now nearly on the verge of collapse—combined with poor governance and dysfunctional administrations, poses a grave threat to the interests of the elite. This is coupled with the fact that the political system has engendered poverty and unemployment, and consequently, a significant proportion of Nigerians go to bed without food. Such a system cannot be considered a democracy. Given these challenges, the developmentalist elite must come together and form a Developmentalist Coalition. This coalition is essential not only for the elite but for the very survival of Nigeria as a nation. Without urgent action and collaboration between the developmentalist elite and engaged citizens, we risk exacerbating the structural injustices that threaten our society. The time to unite and rescue the country is now.
What is a Developmentalist Coalition?
Throughout history, the ideology of developmental nationalism has played a significant role in national development, especially among late developers such as China, Malaysia, Mauritius, South Korea, and Singapore, who aim to “catch up” with more advanced nations. In this context, development serves as the material foundation for nationalism, while nationalism is a tool to promote and manage development. Developmental nationalism refers to the commitment to advancing one’s country and ensuring its prosperity. This includes enhancing the capabilities of its people so they can reach their potential and contribute to national progress. Individuals who embrace this ideology are often patriotic and nationalistic, prioritizing their loyalty to their country above other identities or considerations. Their deep love for their nation and its people fuels their desire for national success and the populace’s well-being. Those motivated by developmentalism focus primarily on improving their country and its citizens. They strive to overcome underdevelopment and reduce dependence on foreign nations while raising the living standards of their people. They view underdevelopment, foreign dependency, and poverty as threats to national survival, the greater good, and their own enlightened self-interest. A Developmentalist Coalition’s core objective is to enhance their country’s productive capacity. They work towards establishing inclusive economic and political institutions to achieve their goals and avoid engaging in self-enrichment.
Chalmers Johnson, the scholar who introduced the “developmental state” concept to explain the remarkable economic successes in East Asia, provided valuable insights into the region’s developmental dynamics. He observed that Developmentalist Coalitions in these countries emerged from a powerful ambition to escape the constraints of dependency and underdevelopment. The most effective coalitions deeply understand the essential role of the market; they harness its potential to drive efficiency, inspire motivation among citizens over the long term, and serve as a crucial counterbalance to entrenched corruption—all while actively combating underdevelopment. Johnson emphasized that these elite groups and Developmental Coalitions do not primarily aim to enhance and protect their own privileges. Instead, they are genuinely committed to fostering the long-term growth and prosperity of their societies (Johnson, 1987, p. 140; emphasis added).
Developmentalist elite have a shared vision for national development and similar perspectives on national development. It is cognizant that realizing its vision depends on its ability to enhance the productive capacities of its economies and people. Wealth creation, thus production/value addition, rather than consumption and rent-seeking, are the central preoccupations of a coalition of developmentalist elite and a broad developmentalist coalition. Both are conscious that private gains are compatible with social objectives. Human capital development is thus one of their main priorities.
A coalition of developmentalist elites understands its responsibility: it seeks to ensure that the ideology of developmentalism becomes a central part of national culture. This coalition mobilizes citizens to embrace the developmentalist agenda through words and actions. More importantly, it ensures that its developmentalist project is grounded in a social base; thus, the developmental elite identifies social groups to form a broad coalition supporting its goals. When individuals with a developmentalist mindset hold political positions, they use their roles to encourage all segments of society to make short-term economic sacrifices for long-term shared prosperity. As a result, all sectors of society work to avoid, or at least minimize, rent-seeking behavior in favor of national development. When such a coalition gains political power, it implements necessary governance and policy reforms that align with its vision for the country’s development. This process allows the coalition to shape society according to its ideals. In various areas of society, members of this coalition provide leadership to ensure that outcomes are consistent with their broad development vision.
Developmentalist Coalitions shape most developed nations’ political and economic affairs. In some cases, the developmentalist elite may create their own political parties, as seen with the People’s Action Party founded by Singapore’s first prime minister, Lee Kuan Yew, and his colleagues. In other instances, members of this elite may join different political parties. However, when developmentalists are the dominant political elite, any party in power ensures that it upholds specific minimum standards that reflect the core principles upon which the country is founded. A good example of this phenomenon can be seen in the Scandinavian countries, where the ideology of social democracy was primarily instilled in society by trade unions with the backing of small farmers. As a result, this ideology has become deeply rooted in Scandinavia. Consequently, regardless of which political party—whether left or right—is in power, the fundamental elements of social democracy remain intact. This leads to predictable governance characterized by the rule of law and the provision of essential public goods to citizens. In the United States, foundational principles like the Fourth Amendment (which protects against unreasonable search and seizure) and free markets remain steadfast, regardless of which of the two major political parties, the Democrats or Republicans, is in power. This unity is partly a response to external threats, such as the antagonism towards King George III and British mercantilism. However, it is important to note that external threats are not the only catalysts for the emergence of a Developmentalist Coalition. The example of Malaysia illustrates this: the May 1969 protests led to the formation of a Developmentalist Coalition that established UMNO as the dominant political party for over forty years. Without these protests— which posed a significant threat to the political survival of the Bumiputra elite—this group may not have united to become a dominant political force or key economic players. Furthermore, the developmentalist elite articulate values that define and bind their nations together, providing moral and political leadership, as exemplified by Nelson Mandela’s role in South Africa. Generally, most developmental elites advocate for establishing inclusive economic and political institutions that help them achieve their development objectives.
To achieve this goal, an elite group within the Developmentalist Coalition comes to an informal agreement on the kind of society they envision. Over time, they promote this developmental ideology to the citizens, which ultimately evolves into a national ideology or set of values that is accepted by all or most citizens, regardless of factors such as class, gender, religion, or ethnicity.
In most instances, developmentalism is driven by the need to transform economic structures, industrialize, and build human capacity. Developmentalist coalitions, particularly those in control of government—both in elected and administrative positions—leverage their authority to implement necessary institutional and policy reforms. They mobilize citizens to ensure developmentalism becomes the dominant ideology in the state and society. These leaders are transformative figures who genuinely seek positive change within their communities. For this change to be effective, the development of nationalism as an ideology must be embedded within specific social groups such as trade unions, entrepreneurs, professional associations, and the unemployed. The choice of social group with which a coalition of developmentalist elites aligns itself depends on the contextual conditions present. Despite varying contexts, the overarching objectives remain consistent: to enhance productive capacity and promote shared prosperity.
The Need for a Developmentalist Coalition in Nigeria
The social, economic, and political challenges facing Nigeria can largely be attributed to the absence of a Developmentalist Coalition that is genuinely patriotic, nationalistic, and committed to transforming the structure of the Nigerian economy and addressing issues of underdevelopment. Since gaining independence, Nigeria’s public affairs, particularly in politics and the economy, have been dominated by groups lacking a clear vision for the country’s transformation. These groups have failed to industrialize the nation, foster shared values to unite the people, address poverty, and tackle ethnic and religious divisions. The crises in Nigeria stem from a lack of transformative leadership, leading to weak institutions and governance failures. Public affairs have primarily been controlled by a parasitic elite whose actions are transactional rather than visionary. With few exceptions, such as Aliko Dangote, who is actively involved in the real sector, the elite lack the vision and the will to harness the nation’s economic and societal potential. It can be argued that most of those who have overseen Nigeria’s political and economic landscape since independence have not acted in a nationalistic or patriotic manner; instead, they have predominantly prioritized their self-interest and exploited the Nigerian state for personal gain.
If they were patriotic, how else can one explain the fact that they do not invest in the nation’s health and education systems (even destroyed them) and have recklessly looted our commonwealth, which they store in foreign countries? Political officeholders and civil servants turn billionaires overnight without owning a factory or a farm. The children of the richest and upper-middle-class Nigerians study overseas. Currently, it is unlikely that there is hardly any Governor, Senator, Member of the House of Representatives, or member of the State Assembly whose children are in a Nigerian university. The poverty of the Nigerian elite is further exemplified by the poor physical infrastructure in the country as well as the high level of insecurity. Nigeria has become a killing field due to terrorism, robbery, kidnapping, and killings by herdsmen. This is coupled with the fact that people die from preventive diseases and the poor state of the nation’s healthcare, which is so bad that the elite and their families have to go for treatment abroad whenever they fall sick. Sad enough, our health institutions have become mere consulting/prescription centers, ironically with beautiful fences enclosing dilapidated buildings with obsolete equipment and poorly mannered or indecorous staff who are further demotivated by months of unpaid wages. This is the context for understanding the japa syndrome of Nigerian medical professionals. Thus, Leadership failure is one of the push factors for the country’s high brain drain.
Many deaths in the country could have been prevented if there were adequate local hospitals to provide immediate treatment when people fall ill. The situation is so dire that the elite often resort to medical tourism abroad. If the funds spent on medical tourism were instead invested in the country’s healthcare sector, it could effectively serve all Nigerians. Additionally, it is important to note that the lack of shared values among the Nigerian elite contributes to their failure to pay taxes, which could be used to fund public services, including healthcare.
Without a cohesive Coalition of Developmentalists sharing a common national vision, the primary purpose of politics has become the distribution of rent. This focus on rent-seeking and its accompanying patronage systems highlights our divisions as a nation rather than fostering unity. This context explains the reliance on religion, ethnicity, state of origin, zoning, and calls for restructuring as defining features of political discourse in the country. Consequently, it is unsurprising that successive governments have contributed little to Nigeria’s economic, social, and political development. The absence of a coalition of developmentalist elites and a broad Developmentalist Coalition with a shared vision for Nigeria’s progress means that every segment of Nigerian society feels marginalized. Furthermore, a rent-seeking elite, which is often retrogressive and self-serving, has exploited the nation’s resources—both human and natural. The call for restructuring the country has its merits. Many states are not economically viable and rely heavily on federal allocations to pay the salaries of civil servants and political officeholders. Thus, advocating for a return to regional governments makes sense. However, significant change is unlikely without a Developmentalist Coalition that operates with enlightened self-interest to guide governance at the regional level. Perhaps we should consider the development approach of the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo in transforming the then-Western region. President Olusegun Obasanjo brought together some of the country’s best minds during his second term in the Fourth Republic. Their experiences could provide valuable lessons in rescuing Nigeria from its current challenges.
The absence of a coalition of developmental elites in Nigeria has allowed a consuming elite to dominate the affairs of the state for most of our period of independence. This inept group’s poor management of the country is well-known to every Nigerian. One significant consequence of this mismanagement is poor governance, while another is our dependence on crude oil. Aside from the Dangote Refinery, which became operational in early 2025, the consuming elite cannot refine oil and has failed to create incentives for generating and distributing electricity to our people. Moreover, successive governments’ ongoing poor management of the Nigerian economy is not surprising. This management has not aligned with the interests of rent-seeking elites and tenderpreneurs—who mostly rely on government contracts—so there has been little motivation to manage oil resources for shared prosperity or to lay the groundwork for a post-oil economy in Nigeria. As a result, the economy remains undiversified, with a small and declining manufacturing sector. Consequently, it is no wonder that the economy fell into recession in 2016, following a decline in global oil prices. The informal sector now dominates the economy, responsible for 93% of total employment in 2024, largely consisting of agriculture and low-value-added services. Many individuals working in this sector are considered working poverty, earning less than $1.90 per day.
In the absence of a coalition of developmentat-oriented leadership overseeing political and administrative positions at all levels of the Nigerian state, successive governments have struggled to manage the country’s oil wealth effectively. This inadequacy has resulted in regular fuel shortages for citizens, making Nigeria unique as the only oil-producing nation experiencing such scarcity. Furthermore, these governments have failed to create conditions conducive to the diversification of the economy. The narrow production base, primarily within the formal sector, contributes significantly to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) but has a low labor absorption rate and few linkages—upstream and downstream—to the rest of the economy. As a result, it primarily serves the interests of a small number of people, while the majority of Nigerians earn their living in the informal sector. Consequently, Nigeria functions as an enclave economy, where the formal sector—specifically oil and gas—does not positively impact overall economic development. This reliance on the oil sector has led to a resource curse for the country. The poor management of oil revenues has resulted in high levels of poverty and inequality, as well as significant underemployment and unemployment rates. Notably, youth unemployment, including that of university graduates, is among the highest in the world, compounded by widespread corruption.
The political leadership in Nigeria does not invest adequately in the country’s greatest asset—its people. For instance, successive administrations in the 4th Republic have allocated less funding to the education sector than the 26% of the national budget recommended by UNESCO. This lack of investment in education, coupled with insufficient incentives for young people to develop skills and engage in startups, means Nigeria is missing out on the potential benefits of its youthful population. Approximately 70% of Nigeria’s population, over 200 million, is under 30 years old, and 41% are younger than 15. While Nigerian youth are inherently entrepreneurial, political leaders have failed to create an environment that allows them to achieve their full potential.
The situation in Nigeria differs significantly from that of other oil-rich countries, such as Norway. One key factor that sets Norway apart is the presence of a Developmentalist Coalition that implemented a clear vision for development centered on social democracy. As a result, since the discovery of oil in 1969, successive Norwegian governments have managed oil wealth to benefit both present and future generations of their citizens, which has led to Norway consistently ranking first in major human development indicators. Norwegian political leaders do not exploit the country’s wealth but prioritize saving and investing in their people. This includes providing free education and healthcare for all citizens. Norway’s Sovereign Wealth Fund is estimated at around one trillion United States dollars. This means that if the savings from oil were distributed among the five million Norwegians, each person would receive approximately $200,000. Additionally, the elite in Norway have utilized oil revenues to diversify the economy. Therefore, the role of a coalition of developmentalist elites and a broad Developmentalist Coalition in fostering a country’s development cannot be overstated. The coalition should win the people’s support by emphasizing the values that unite us rather than reinforcing the divisive tendencies that lead to conflict. Religion should not be associated with specific ethnic or geographic identities to incite tensions; instead, it should promote freedom. The coalition needs to work towards setting achievable goals and focus on reorienting our values, starting with the elites, clearly and transparently.
In Nigeria, the issue is not the lack of individuals focused on development. These developmentalist-oriented individuals exist across all segments of Nigerian society, including government (both elected positions and the bureaucracy), the private sector, the media, academia, communities, civil society organizations (CSOs), and even political parties. The real problem is the absence of a coalition among these developmentalist elites. Without such a coalition, they struggle to form a broad alliance with social groups that share their vision for development. As a result, they cannot act collectively and cohesively to prioritize investments in Nigeria’s greatest asset: its people.
Without a Coalition to provide a platform for the developmentalist elite to interact regularly, share ideas, and garner support in their various professional fields, developmentalists in Nigeria have struggled to make significant contributions to the country’s development. Due to the lack of an informal platform for these individuals to connect, those few who have found themselves in positions of authority have faced many challenges and were unable to sustain institutional and policy reforms. Moreover, without a supportive network of like-minded individuals emphasizing the need to overcome national underdevelopment, some leaders have succumbed to rent-seeking and the pervasive corruption prevalent in the political system. In contrast, others have become frustrated and given up altogether. Even those who implemented positive developmental changes during their leadership have seen their achievements reversed by their successors. The frequent policy reversals in Nigeria and the failure to institutionalize reforms can be partly attributed to the absence of a Developmentalist Coalition. This trend will likely continue unless the developmentalist elite unites, for their enlightened self-interest, to forge a shared vision and take practical steps to achieve it. The poor leadership across Nigeria’s political, economic, and social sectors reflects the lack of a Developmentalist Coalition that could promote a productivist, ethical, and patriotic ethos as the nation’s core values. Unfortunately, this situation resulted from a political landscape devoid of ideology, political parties’ dysfunctionality, and a lack of party discipline where politicians frequently switch allegiances for financial gain rather than pursuing a meaningful national objective. The ultimate consequence is a system in which the political class and their collaborators in the private sector exploit the nation’s resources with impunity.
The situation in Nigeria calls for two key actions. Firstly, there is a need to form a Coalition of Developmentalist Elites led by individuals with a clear vision for development and the political will to create effective policies and plans to achieve that vision. Members of this coalition could establish a political party to contest elections, gain political power, and use their positions in government to promote an agenda focused on development nationalism. The experience of 1999 serves as a reminder of when progressive groups fought for democracy but ultimately ceded the political space to the same elite supporters and beneficiaries of military rule to regain power should be avoided. Other members of the Developmentalist Elite could engage in various forms of civic action to strengthen democratic governance. If the Developmentalist Coalition chooses to establish a political party, several critical conditions must be met to ensure its success. First and foremost, its governing bodies and other organs must function effectively and resist the temptation to become a chiefdom led by a handful of powerful individuals. Furthermore, every member must be committed to putting the coalition’s goals above their personal ambitions, embracing the mission to serve the coalition and, ultimately, the nation’s greater good. The coalition can only become a powerful force for positive change by adhering to these principles. The People’s Action Party (PAP) of Singapore, the Labour Party in Norway, and the Social Democratic Workers Party in Sweden offer important lessons to any party formed by Development-minded individuals in Nigeria. Unlike in Nigeria, these political parties have leadership training institutes and think tanks that train their leaders at all levels and conduct research to inform their policies.
Secondly, it is essential to establish a broad-based Developmentalist Coalition that includes other social groups aligned with the ideology of developmentalism. The criteria for membership should be determined through consultations and discussions. This coalition should comprise a select group of political elites, high-ranking bureaucrats, committed business leaders, members of the intelligentsia, professionals, civil society organizations (CSOs), and representatives from the media.
Given Nigeria’s diverse ethno-religious composition, it is essential to ensure that the coalition of developmentalist elites includes representatives from various ethnic and religious groups. These members should be nationalistic and patriotic. A primary focus for this group should be to articulate a vision for Nigeria that reflects their aspirations and to build consensus around that vision. Equally important is that the developmentalist project is grounded in specific social groups. The elite must form alliances with these groups to create a shared future. This approach could provide a foundation for building a truly united and prosperous nation, serving as a crucial strategy for overcoming the ethno-religious conflicts that have historically troubled the country.
Nigeria faces significant challenges as an economy heavily reliant on oil, making it vulnerable to external shocks. Other issues include widespread informality in the economy, high levels of poverty and inequality, underemployment and unemployment, security threats, and inadequate social and physical infrastructure. Therefore, the primary goal for the group should be to transform the structure of the Nigerian economy by building a robust manufacturing sector and a thriving digital economy, promoting agro-allied industry, and investing in infrastructure, thereby enhancing its productive capacity. Additionally, the group should focus on essential objectives such as job creation, poverty reduction, and expanding social and physical infrastructure access for all Nigerians. Promoting and ensuring good governance in development is also crucial. Equally important is the need for the coalition to establish and support inclusive political and economic institutions that will enable Nigeria to prosper and allow its citizens to realize their full potential.
Additionally, considering that nation-building, which was the primary focus of the immediate post-colonial leaders, remains incomplete sixty-four years after independence, it should be a core focus of the coalition’s activities. To achieve this, fostering national unity must be the coalition’s fundamental and unwavering goal. Furthermore, part of the developmentalist ideology should involve creating a Nigerian dream where all citizens can realize their full potential based on merit.
The Developmentalist Coalition could be established based on the following vision, principles, and agenda as the foundational social contract between developmentalism and the Nigerian people.
● Transforming the structure of the Nigerian economy into an industrialized, post-oil economy.
● Addressing the multiple crises of poverty, inequality and unemployment
● Investment in the infrastructure
● Building inclusive and resilience institutions
● Anti-corruption
● National unity and cohesion
● True federalism
● Democracy
● Governance based on merit (including meritocratic and competitive recruitment of political leaders)
● Inclusive governance that entailed women and youth representation in the political process.
● Addressing the crisis of insecurity
● Social justice and equal opportunities for all, irrespective of religion, ethnicity, and gender.
● Investment in the people of Nigeria
● Setting and shaping agenda for national discourse.
The platform’s roles should be defined through consultations and subsequent group meetings. One important implication is establishing a national platform rather than regional, ethnic, or religious ones. This pan-Nigerian platform should encompass existing political parties. Alternatively, based on current conditions, the Developmentalist Coalition may choose to form a new political party to advance its agenda.
Conclusion
This discussion document argues for creating an informal, non-partisan platform composed of patriotic and highly nationalistic Nigerians—a Coalition of Developmentalist Elites, which will eventually evolve into a broad developmentalist coalition. This platform should primarily focus on sharing information about the state of the nation, not engaging in propaganda or promoting divisive rumors. It aims to forge a consensus on the type of society developmentalists envision. Through the actions of individuals in the coalition—whether in government, business, trade unions, civil society, or academia—and through their participation in national discourses, a developmental ethos can take root within the Nigerian state and society. This is essential for creating a shared future. Coalition members should be encouraged to actively participate in political activities, including seeking elective positions. It is further argued that the Developmentalist Coalition may form a new political party to advance its agenda based on current conditions. In doing so, the coalition can become an agent of transformational change, fostering a truly united Nigeria with enhanced productive capacity to benefit both present and future generations. To succeed, party members must be subject to party discipline and subordinate their personal ambitions to those of the party and, ultimately, the national interests. And to call itself a political party, its organs must be allowed to function rather than become an empire of powerful individuals. Establishing a Developmentalist Coalition is crucial to ending the country’s endemic corruption. This coalition should aim to transform democracy in Nigeria from merely holding elections every four years into a system where political parties and their elected representatives genuinely serve the Nigerian people and work towards a shared future. For democracy to succeed, citizens must be at its core – freedom from wants and hunger must be at the heart of democracy. Until this is achieved, Nigeria cannot be considered a democracy or developmental. This is why it is imperative to forge a Developmentalist Coalition—history calls upon developmentalists to provide the moral and political leadership necessary to change Nigeria’s development trajectory and to become democratic.
